We can all agree that corruption is a significant factor in Africa's development difficulties. Less is understood about what causes corruption and why it varies between nations. However, most of us can speculate on specific driving forces responsible for the derailment of Africa’s development. With respect to recent revelations one pertinent issue keeps coming up; the role of our founding fathers. Did they really sell our souls to the highest bidder? Or what exactly is going on? We can hold that the legacy of colonial rule and its influence on local elites may be part of the explanation.
Secret services, offshore bankers, drug traffickers, corporate attorneys, weapons smugglers, money launderers, political elites, and others have historically exploited the hollowed-out institutions of the postcolonial state. A number of factors contribute to this, including the colonial powers' imposition of legal-rational institutions on indigenous communities, Africa's persistent economic collapse since the 1970s, and the widespread belief among African leaders that the world system is rigged against them. Because of this mentality, corruption in Africa will persist for as long as it does.
To know what function African ethics might play in providing a sustainable and culturally appropriate foundation for criticizing corruption in the area, and how the dominant liberation parties have transformed a corrupt culture into an entitlement mentality; we need to create a conceptual bridge between corruption and patronage to address these concerns. After that, we can see how independent nations inherited the corruption that has developed as a result of the inadequate institutions of colonial administrations. The political culture of entitlement that characterizes national liberation movements leading to pervasive corruption by rewarding those in power with an undeserved monopoly on legitimacy.
Historically, governments that sprang from liberation movements have shown these traits by adopting an authoritarian, predatory, and entitled political culture in order to maintain their monopoly on power. In light of the above, it is clear that the political patronage and entitlement culture exhibited by the national movements that have since assumed power has contributed to widespread corruption. African ethics has the potential to offer a tenable framework for anti-corruption discourse in the area and guide successful anti-corruption initiatives due to its local relevance and capacity to prioritize the welfare of the community above individual self-interest.
Given the presence of unqualified cronies in leadership roles at important public institutions and the crude diversion of limited resources to allies, family, and friends, it's hard to see how reforms could possibly be effective. Liberation elite adherents have been filling critical positions in the court, police, and media, which are responsible for monitoring and holding authorities accountable. Since the colonial era, these institutions have been further corrupted by a managerial cadre that is unlikely to call the monarchs they get support from to account. This is still true in a great number of nations today.
Most African nations have recently nationalized their media, banking system, educational institutions, etc., making government work the only viable option for citizens. Gaining 'clearance' from liberation movement leaders or the governing group is crucial for securing a respectable job. If you're a critic of the dominant leaders or their policies, you're probably not going to get a job in either the public or private sectors.
Companies throughout the world and in their respective communities typically downplay the seriousness of corruption in business. Corrupt and greedy bankers, traders, and corporate workers were largely to blame for the worldwide financial catastrophe. But many of these corporate tycoons and their firms are thriving as if the global financial crisis never happened. Trading in government contracts should be subject to strict 'integrity' norms, which businesses should be required to follow.
Public authorities in Africa routinely reject charges of corruption by international groups, claiming they are tainted by Western bias. Some Africans argue that this kind of study unfairly singles out developing nations and ignores corruption in the West. Of course, this is true, but only approximately. The domestic corruption problem should be given more attention than the hypocritical discussion, which is important but different.
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